Chile y los mapuches
Cable sobre la falta de organización de los mapuches y la mala gestión de los Gobienos chilenos
Septiembre de 2009. La embajada en Santiago reparte culpas. Los mapuches están desorganizados y los gobiernos chilenos han sido y son "chapuceros" en sus políticas indígenas
| ID: | 224546 |
| Date: | 2009-09-10 21:36:00 |
| Origin: | 09SANTIAGO843 |
| Source: | Embassy Santiago |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Dunno: | 09SANTIAGO826 |
| Destination: | VZCZCXYZ0000 OO RUEHWEB DE RUEHSG #0843/01 2532136 ZNY CCCCC ZZH O 102136Z SEP 09 FM AMEMBASSY SANTIAGO TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 0020 |
C O N F I D E N T I A L SANTIAGO 000843 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 2019/09/10 TAGS: PGOV, SOCI, CI SUBJECT: CHILE: Indigenous Conflict Tops Domestic Political Agenda REF: SANTIAGO 826 CLASSIFIED BY: Laurie Weitzenkorn, A/DCM; REASON: 1.4(B), (D) 1. (SBU) Summary: Indigenous conflict -- particularly between Mapuche and non-indigenous land owners in southern Chile -- has forced itself prominently on to President Bachelet's political agenda following the August 12 police killing of a Mapuche activist. Over the past 20 years, relations between the government and Mapuche communities have been characterized by half-hearted attempts by the government and fractious organization and demands by the Mapuche, creating disappointment and frustration that perpetuate tension. Mapuche demands center on land, economic opportunity, and societal inclusion, but are poorly defined and vary greatly from community to community. End Summary. 2. (U) Poloff and Pol Specialist travelled to the heart of Chile's Mapuche territory, the regions of Araucania and Los Rios, August 10-14. Reftel described the reality of tense, but generally non-violent, relations in contrast to the sensationalized images of the region. Septel will describe human right concerns and the justice process. After Mapuche Death, Indigenous Issues Claim Center Stage --------------------------------------------- ------------ 3. (U) The August 12 police killing of Mapuche activist Jaime Mendoza -- and the subsequent reaction from indigenous communities -- has catapulted indigenous demands to the front of President Bachelet's political agenda once again. Mapuche activists held protests and blockaded a highway, while more than 3,000 mourners packed Mendoza's funeral. When President Bachelet sent a government delegation, led by the Under Secretary of the Presidency, to meet with all parties in Araucania, the Mapuche community refused to meet with the group. Bachelet subsequently named a cabinet minister, Jose Antonio Viera-Gallo, as the government's new indigenous policy coordinator, effectively capitulating to a long-standing Mapuche demand for higher-level government attention. Meanwhile, another indigenous group -- Easter Islanders -- seem to have been inspired by Mapuche activism, recently occupying the island's only airport for 24 hours in a successful effort to gain government attention to their demands. Dashed Hopes: Concertacion's Failed Indigenous Policies --------------------------------------------- ----------- 4. (SBU) Chile's return to democracy seemed to be a promising beginning for relations between the state and the Mapuche community after a history of conflict (reftel). The 1993 Indigenous Law legally recognized ethnic communities for the first time; protected current indigenous lands; created a fund to secure additional lands claimed by indigenous communities; established an indigenous development fund; and formed the National Corporation for Indigenous Development (CONADI), a new government body charged with implementing indigenous policy. 5. (SBU) Despite this encouraging start, indigenous Chileans have become frustrated with the Concertacion's broken promises, government inaction, and inefficient administration. Under Ricardo Lagos (1998-2004), the government approved the construction of a hydroelectric dam in Mapuche areas, despite more than a decade of strenuous objections from Mapuche activists. He later issued a last minute and poorly explained cancellation to what would have been the largest ever meeting between the Mapuche community and the Chilean President, angering thousands who had travelled from across the country for the dialogue. 6. (SBU) For her part, President Bachelet has been slow to focus on indigenous issues. She announced her indigenous policy, Re-Conocer, more than half way through her four-year term and in response to the outcry over the police shooting death of a Mapuche activist in January 2008. Critics charge (and privately some CONADI officials agree) that Re-Conocer is just re-packaging previous policies and creating more bureaucracy. Bachelet's presidential commissioner for indigenous affairs, Rodrigo Egana, was described by a prominent civic leader and close friend as "focused elsewhere." 7. (SBU) Moreover, the very organization that was meant to assist indigenous Chileans, CONADI, has become a lightning rod for native criticism. CONADI is decried as a bureaucratic and lethargic organization which, by looking to hire talented indigenous professionals, has co-opted many of the indigenous communities' best leaders. More than 90% of the agency's budget is dedicated to purchasing ancestral lands, yet land disputes appear to be worsening rather than subsiding. CONADI aims to boost opportunities for indigenous Chileans through scholarships and micro-enterprise support, but these grants are small (average USD 6,000 for micro-enterprises), short-term, and labor-intensive to administer, further eating up resources. Several Mapuche and non-indigenous sources told us that only 30% of CONADI's budget actually reaches the communities it intends to serve, with the rest being lost to bureaucracy, waste, and inflated land prices. Land, Opportunity, and Respect: Mapuche Demands --------------------------------------------- --- 8. (U) The recovery of traditional Mapuche lands is the most common trigger for violent conflict and property destruction. Mapuche communities now live on just 6% of the territory they once controlled -- an unsettling situation for a people whose name means "people of the land." Activists are quick to point out that some wealthy white Chilean individuals -- such as forestry magnate Roberto Angelini -- own more land in traditional Mapuche areas than the entire Mapuche population combined. On the other hand, non-indigenous Chileans often have strong ties to the formerly Mapuche land they now own. Due to government colonization policies, some non-indigenous Chileans have lived on traditional Mapuche lands for generations, while many prominent businessmen have made substantial investments in land that they bought legally. 9. (SBU) The 1993 Indigenous Law, while designed to address these land concerns, has in some ways exacerbated the situation. The law provided a mechanism and funding to buy back traditional Mapuche land, but failed to set expectations about how much land would be recovered. The resulting process has been expensive, extremely slow, and resulted in less new land for Mapuches than they expected. Non-indigenous land owners often engage in price gouging, raising prices for disputed land to ridiculous levels, limiting the amount of land that can be purchased with budgeted funds. While the Chilean government has transferred more than 650,000 hectares for Mapuche use, the vast majority of this land was already de facto Mapuche territory -- the purchase simply regularized the facts on the ground. Human rights campaigner Jose Aylwin told poloffs that only about 100,000 hectares of new land has been turned over to Mapuches since 1993. 10. (SBU) Aside from land disputes, poverty, lack of opportunity, and discrimination by majority Chilean culture are all underlying causes of conflict. The poverty rate for indigenous people is 12 percentage points higher than for non-indigenous populations. Araucania -- the region with the highest percentage of Mapuche residents -- has the country's highest unemployment rate, nearly 11 percent. And Mapuches face widespread discrimination. Multiculturalism is an uncommon term in a country that takes pride in its unitary "Chileanness," which is enshrined in the constitution. Mapuche academics in Temuco and Valdivia told Poloffs of experiences demonstrating how anti-Mapuche racism is acceptable even among well-educated Chileans. Typical Chilean attitudes toward Mapuches range from ignorance to distrust. Who Speaks for the Mapuche? --------------------------- 11. (SBU) The decentralized hierarchy and diffuse leadership that characterize Mapuche culture (described as a "multi-headed hydra" by one academic) impede community efforts to organize and complicate Chilean government efforts to find a valid negotiating partner. Mapuche villages are traditionally quite independent from one another, and are led by lonkos, or tribal chiefs. Traditionally, no authority exists beyond the lonko, meaning that no single person or organization speaks for the Mapuche. Because each lonko is viewed as the ultimate authority for his, admittedly very small, group of Mapuches, slights are inevitable as some Mapuches claim that each lonko should have access directly to the President, who represents the ultimate authority in majoritarian Chilean culture. Even more realistic Mapuche activists bristle when lonkos can not get meetings with the regional intendente (centrally appointed governor) and instead deal with lower-ranking civil servants. 12. (SBU) The on-going conflict with the government has led to the creation of new leadership structures across and within communities, from the sometimes violent Coordinadora Arauco Malleco (CAM) to the more pacifist Council of All Lands, to community-specific organizations with elected leadership. The newly created Mapuche Territorial Alliance aims to unite disparate Mapuche communities in a peaceful struggle for land rights. Within communities, the Chilean government has dictated that it will work only with elected representative Mapuche councils, leading to the creation of new bodies which supporters say are an effective way to make decisions and interact with the government, while detractors lament the loss of lonko authority and say that the council members have been co-opted. 13. (SBU) These new organizations, and the positions that some of them take, reflect the deep divisions in the Mapuche community. There is no consensus on what approach to take in seeking redress, or even on what the community's issues and goals are. In meetings with two lonkos in neighboring communities, one described his efforts to promote community-based tourism, gain access to CONADI resources and grants, and share traditional knowledge about local wildlife. In contrast, another lonko described his work on a proposal that would demand the return of all land from the Biobio river to the city of Palena -- an area compromising the majority of four of Chile's 15 regions -- end all major investment projects in the region, and dismantle CONADI. 14. (C) Comment: There is plenty of blame in Chile's long-standing Mapuche conflict to spread to all parties. Mapuche communities are disorganized and incoherent, offering up a range of demands from the logical to the fanciful, and rarely coordinating their efforts. A small number of violent actors discredit those who work in good faith to advance legitimate grievances. On the other hand, successive Concertacion governments have bungled indigenous policy, perpetually making it a low priority and failing to set and meet realistic expectations. Even with Bachelet's decision to designate a new, and higher-ranking indigenous policy coordinator, it is difficult to envision substantial progress in resolving this complex, long-standing issue. End Comment. SIMONS |
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