EE UU analiza a Enríquez-Ominami
Cables sobre el candidato chileno Enríquez-Ominami
Informe de la Consejera Política de EEUU Jennifer Spande sobre el candidato a la presidencia chilena Marco Enríquez-Ominami
| ID: | 210478 |
| Date: | 2009-06-05 13:44:00 |
| Origin: | 09SANTIAGO524 |
| Source: | Embassy Santiago |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Dunno: | 09SANTIAGO332 09SANTIAGO484 |
| Destination: | VZCZCXYZ0000 PP RUEHWEB DE RUEHSG #0524/01 1561344 ZNY CCCCC ZZH P 051344Z JUN 09 FM AMEMBASSY SANTIAGO TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 5020 INFO RUEHAC/AMEMBASSY ASUNCION PRIORITY 4002 RUEHBR/AMEMBASSY BRASILIA PRIORITY 0935 RUEHBU/AMEMBASSY BUENOS AIRES PRIORITY 1521 RUEHLP/AMEMBASSY LA PAZ JUN 6185 RUEHPE/AMEMBASSY LIMA PRIORITY 6214 RUEHMN/AMEMBASSY MONTEVIDEO PRIORITY 4430 RUEHQT/AMEMBASSY QUITO PRIORITY 2407 RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC PRIORITY |
C O N F I D E N T I A L SANTIAGO 000524 SIPDIS STATE FOR WHA/BSC, INR--STEIN, INR/B DEFENSE FOR OSD--LENIHAN E.O. 12958: DECL: 06/04/2019 TAGS: PGOV, SOCI, ECON, SNAR, CI, BO SUBJECT: CHILE'S SURPRISE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE: HERE TO STAY OR A FLASH IN THE PAN? REF: A. SANTIAGO 484 B. SANTIAGO 332 Classified By: Political Officer Jennifer Spande for reason 1.4 (b). 1. (C) Summary: Marco Enriquez-Ominami, a 35-year old Socialist parliamentarian and former filmmaker, has burst onto Chile's presidential scene in recent weeks. Known as one of the "unruly" parliamentarians from the ruling Concertacion coalition, Enriquez-Ominami is running against his party (and the Concertacion's) official candidate: former president Eduardo Frei. For a populace eager for change from boring Chilean politics, Enriquez-Ominami offers a fresh, young, charismatic face. However, his policy positions -- which few of his supporters seem to know about -- are wildly unpopular stances on controversial topics. While a poll released June 3 shows him neck and neck with Eduardo Frei (with Pinera leading them both), analysts are reserving judgement until the more reliable Centro de Estudios Publicos poll is released in mid-June. More style than substance, Enriquez-Ominami is unlikely to emerge as a serious presidential contender, but effectively captures the zeitgeist of Chilean frustration with politics as usual. End Summary. A Dashing Young Rulebreaker with a Compelling Story --------------------------------------------- ------ 2. (U) A young and attractive filmmaker turned upstart politician, Enriquez-Ominami symbolizes the break with Chile's staid politics that many Chileans crave. Just 35 years old, Enriquez-Ominami is the son of iconic leftist leader Miguel Enriquez, a founder of the violent Movimiento Izquierdista Revolucionario (MIR). Miguel Enriquez was dramatically killed in 1974 when he refused to surrender to Chilean intelligence (DINA) agents, who were backed by hundreds of heavily armed soldiers, tanks, and helicopters. Marco's mother, journalist Manuela Gumucio, remarried. Her new husband, Carlos Ominami, a Socialist leader, adopted Marco at a young age. 3. (SBU) Enriquez-Ominami worked first as a filmmaker, directing both television programs (particularly reality shows) and movies. His wife, Karen Doggenweiler, is a television presenter and actress; they have a young daughter. Enriquez-Ominami made his way into politics on his father's coattails, adding the hyphenated "-Ominami" to his name and running for the lower chamber in the same region that his father represents in the Senate. Both Ominamis were elected in 2001 to represent the same area -- Carlos Ominami in his second term as senator, and Marco Enriquez-Ominami in his first term as deputy. Poll Numbers' Meteoric Rise --------------------------- 4. (U) Enriquez-Ominami, who only announced his candidacy in April, quickly overtook better-known leftist and independent politicians to become the leading choice outside of frontrunners Eduardo Frei and Sebastian Pinera, who are each backed by one of Chile's two political coalitions. While initially starting out with support in the 1-3% range (similar to that of other minor candidates representing small parties or splintering from their own coalition), Enriquez-Ominami has become a phenomenon in recent weeks. Several polls over the last few weeks have shown him with between 10-15% support, whereas a poll released on June 3 showed that Enriquez-Ominami had as much support as official Concertacion candidate Eduardo Frei. When asked to independently name who they would vote for ("open list"), 13% of survey respondents in the June 3 survey chose Enriquez-Ominami, 15% chose Frei, and 31% chose opposition candidate Sebastian Pinera. When asked to choose among a set of presidential candidates ("closed list"), the young parliamentarian received 26% support to Frei's 22% and Pinera's 35%. With Such a Great Image, Who Cares About Substance? --------------------------------------------- ------ 5. (U) The former filmmaker seems to enjoy the limelight as much as he enjoyed life behind the camera. He and other Concertacion parliamentarians earned the nickname of "unruly ones" ("discolos") for their frequent failure to toe the party line, not to mention periodic fist fights. Originally meant as a disparaging remark, the group embraced the term, the media attention it brought, and the identity of maverick politicians who challenged the Concertacion establishment. They have created their own website, taken polls second-guessing Concertacion leadership, and hosted forums for their own "discolo" Concertacion candidates for mayor. 6. (SBU) The young parliamentarian and his attractive wife have been a media sensation since launching his campaign. At a June 3 lunch in honor of visiting Senate Foreign Relations Staffer Carl Meacham, Chilean pollster Carlos Huneeus suggested that a flattering April profile of the couple in the Chilean daily La Tercera had essentially created Enriquez-Ominami's candidacy. While other analysts felt that this was overstated, it is clear that Enriquez-Ominami has suddenly been getting more than his fair share of media attention. A study released on June 3 found that in April only 6% of media coverage was about Enriquez-Ominami. By May, however, the three candidates received roughly equal amounts of media attention, even though Enriquez-Ominami had much less support (4-14%) than the other candidates and was not considered a serious contender. Not only did Enriquez-Ominami receive a lot of coverage, media reports about him were more likely to be favorable: 23% reports about Enriquez-Ominami were judged to be favorable compared to 15% for Pinera and just 9% for Frei. (Note: 60-70% of media coverage for each candidate was deemed to be neutral. End Note.) Some have called him "the Chilean Obama." 7. (U) Enriquez-Ominami appeals to the large segment of Chileans who are bored by politics and long for new faces (Ref A). However, with President Bachelet enjoying the highest approval rating of any Chilean president since the return to democracy, many of these citizens don't really want to see policies changed. When asked why they support Enriquez-Ominami, 43% of respondents in the June 3 poll listed his youth, while other top answers were equally vague: "He has new ideas", "He'll give opportunities to new people", "I like him", and "I believe in him." In contrast, Pinera and Frei supporters offered a mix of responses that included experience, specific skills, proposed policy changes, and personal characteristics. Behind the Image, Controversial Positions ----------------------------------------- 8. (U) If Chileans were to investigate the positions that the unruly socialist espouses, they would find them to be extremely unpopular: legalizing gay marriage, giving Bolivia access to the sea, privatizing the state-owned copper company, and legalizing marijuana. While few supporters seem to have scratched under the surface of the Enriquez-Ominami campaign, his positions have nonetheless had an impact on other candidates. This week both Frei and Pinera announced their support for civil unions for gay couples -- a remarkably progressive position in a conservative Catholic country which only recently legalized divorce and does not allow abortion under any circumstances. What's In It For Him? --------------------- 9. (C) It is not clear why Enriquez-Ominami decided to enter the presidential race, nor what -- if any -- end game strategy he has in mind. Given his youth and unconventional positions, it is hard to imagine him as a serious presidential contender. In a conversation with Poloff, Christian Democrat politician Jorge Navarette speculated that Enriquez-Ominami may have decided to run for President because he was bored with his position in the Chamber of Deputies and wanted a "heroic" way to leave politics. Alternatively, Navarette suggested, he may have hoped to earn enough support to fulfill other political ambitions -- perhaps a spot on Concertacion's senatorial slate. 10. (SBU) At this point, Enriquez-Ominami's candidacy seems to have taken on a life of its own, with poll numbers generating media which generate still higher poll numbers. The unruly Socialist has announced that he is forming his own list of parliamentary candidates, but so far seems to have had little success in attracting many serious candidates. Comment ------- 11. (C) Enriquez-Ominami is the talk of the town. In this early period in the presidential race -- where more attention is focused on which parliamentary candidates are running in which districts, and campaign teams are still finalizing policy positions, it is hardly possible to have a discussion about presidential politics that does not center around this dark horse candidate. Yet it is not yet clear that the "Marco phenomenon" will last. Concertacion frontrunner Eduardo Frei is a tired candidate who has put forward few new ideas. His poorly-managed campaign invites younger challengers. Radical party (PRSD) leader Jose Antonio Gomez also rose impressively from obscurity to some measure of fame (and poll popularity) in February and March before disappearing from the public eye following his defeat in the April regional primary (Ref B). 12. (U) Astute observers are careful to note the myriad limitations of the polls conducted in the last few months -- from geographic areas not sampled to reliance on landlines (which exclude poorer individuals) to the inclusion of unregistered voters -- and are breathlessly awaiting the release of the Centro de Estudios Publicos (CEP) poll in mid-June. Far more rigorous than the others but conducted only twice a year, the CEP poll is Chile's gold standard. The release of this year's June CEP poll will be like Chile's "Super Tuesday," one analyst said, with political parties and candidates using the data to assess their chances of victory and deciding whether to remain in the race. SIMONS |
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