Cable sobre las inversiones de empresas españolas en Cuba (4)
La Embajada envía a Washington informes periódicos sobre qué empresas españolas invierten en la isla
ID: | 45868 |
Date: | 2005-11-22 17:43:00 |
Origin: | 05MADRID4054 |
Source: | Embassy Madrid |
Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
Dunno: | 05MADRID2131 05STATE207359 |
Destination: | This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available. |
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 MADRID 004054 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/23/2015 TAGS: ETRD, ETTC, PREL, CU, SP SUBJECT: SPAIN/CUBA: TITLE III OF LIBERTAD ACT REF: A. STATE 207359 B. MADRID 2131 Classified By: Political Counselor Kathy Fitzpatrick; reasons 1.4 (B) a nd (D). 1. (U) Spain remains among the most important foreign investors in Cuba, a position it has held since the beginning of the 1990s. The "Association of Spanish Companies in Cuba" (AEEC) represents over 170 Spanish companies that trade with or invest in Cuba. The current Socialist (PSOE) government has continued the long-standing Spanish policy of promoting trade with and investment in Cuba. However, the AEEC complains that the Zapatero administration has not reinstated the provision of political risk insurance through the "Spanish Credit Insurance Company" (CESCE) for sales to and investments in Cuba, suspended several years ago due to Cuba's substantial unpaid debts to CESCE. The Zapatero government has continued its policy of seeking engagement with the Cuban government and reduced the Aznar government's emphasis on promoting human rights. Spain did not invite dissidents to its October 12 national day event in Havana in order to avoid conflict with the Cuban government on that issue. Spain successfully argued in EU councils to delay a review of the EU Restrive Measures on Cuba from December 2005 until June 2006. 2. (C) At our insistence, Spanish officials acknowledge privately that normalized relations with the Castro government have not yielded significant results, but claim that more time is needed to allow their measures to bear fruit in the form of increased political space for dissidents and greater influence by EU governments over Cuban government human rights practices. In meetings with USG officials, including Cuba Transition Coordinator Caleb McCarry, EUR A/S Dan Fried, and WHA PDAS Charles Shapiro, Spanish officials made clear that the GOS will continue to focus on building ties to members of the current Cuban regime, who they believe Spain may be able to influence in the post-Castro era. At the same time, Spanish officials assert that they have replaced the invitations to dissidents to attend national day events with a more robust "structured dialogue" between dissidents and EU diplomats in Havana. 3. (C) We do not believe Spain will deviate from its current policy of engagement with the Cuban government, both because of the substantial investments in Cuba by Spanish companies and because of the Zapatero government's belief that engagement will lead to increased Spanish influence over Castro's successors. However, the continued intrasigience of the Castro government and opposition by some EU members to the suspension of EU Restrictive Measures against Cuba appear to have reduced for now Spain's willingness to seek a further weakening of EU policy towards Cuba. This could change if the Cuban government releases a substantial number of political prisoners (which the GOS would claim as a vindication of its policy). While the opposition Popular Party (PP) is highly critical of the PSOE government's diminished support for Cuban human rights activists, all political groupings in Spain are unified in their opposition to the Libertad Act, and particularly to Title III. Both the PSOE and the PP would likely seek unified EU retaliatory action if Title III action were taken against a Spanish company. 4. (U) Spanish companies are well aware of the potential of U.S. legal action against them under the Libertad Act and take care to obscure precise information regarding their investments in Cuba. However, we have obtained the following general information regarding the major Spanish investors in Cuba: -- Grupo Sol Melia: Hotel/Tourism industry. Locations in Cuba include Havana, Varadero, Cayo Largo, Cayo Santa Maria, Ciego de Avila, Cayo Largo del Sur, Cayo Guillermo, Playa Esmeralda, and Santiago de Cuba. The total investment amount is unknown, but press reports indicate Sol Melia will invest USD 50 million in two hotels in 2004-2005. -- Inversiones Ibersuizas: Commercial investment firm. Investments in Cienfuegos and Santiago de Cuba. According to press reports, Inversiones Ibersuizas has invested a total of USD 150 million in various Cuban projects. -- Occidental Hotels and Resorts: Hotel/Tourism. Investments in Havana and Play Yuraguanal. Investment amount unknown. -- Grupo Pinero: Hotel/Tourism. Investment in Varadero. Investment of at least USD 2 million, according to press reports. -- Iberostar: Hotel/Tourism. Investments in Varadero, Cayo Coco, and Trinidad. Investment amount unknown. -- Barcelo: Hotel/Tourism. Investments in Varadero and Cayo Largo del Sur. Investment amount unknown. -- NH Hoteles: Hotel/Tourism. Investment in Havana. Investment amount unknown. -- Grupo Riu: Hotel/Tourism. Investment in Varadero. Investment amount unknown. -- Hotetur: Hotel/Tourism. Investment in Varadero and Havana. Investment amount unknown. -- Aguas de Barcelona: Utility. Investment in Havana in joint venture with Aguas de La Habana. Investment of at least EUROS 5 million in 2002. Subsequent investment amounts unknown. -- Grupo Altadis: Tobacco. Unspecified location. Investment amount unknown -- Grupo Freixenet: Wine/Alcoholic Beverages. Unspecified location. According to press reports, Freixenet has invested USD 200,000 to help the Cuban wine industry. -- Repsol YPF: Energy. Investment in Cuban territorial waters. According to press reports, total Repsol investment is USD 25-40 million. -- Iberia Airlines: Transportation industry. Investment in Varadero. Investment amount unknown. AGUIRRE |
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